Ways of talking about diseases, ailments, convalescence, and well-being vary from language to language. In some, an ailment 'hits' or 'gets' the person; in others, the sufferer 'catches' an ailment, comes to be a 'container' for it, or is presented as a 'fighter' or a 'battleground'. In languages with obligatory expression of information source, the onslaught of disease is treated as 'unseen', just like any kind of internal feeling or shamanic activity. Different stages of disease — covering its onset, progression, wearing off, recovery, and cure — form ‘the trajectory of well-being’. Our main focus is on grammatical means employed in talking about various phases of disease and well-being, and how these correlate with perception and conceptualization of disease and its progression and demise. I offer a brief taxonomy of grammatical schemas and means employed across the languages of the world. I then turn to a study of terminologies and grammatical schemas employed in the trajectory of well-being in Tariana, an Arawak language from north-west Amazonia (Brazil), with special focus on cultural and cognitive motivations. The emergence and spread of the COVID-19 pandemic has affected ways of speaking about this disease among the Tariana, especially with regard to the origins and the onset of this affliction.
As maneiras de falar sobre doenças, enfermidades, convalescença e bem-estar variam de idioma para idioma. Em alguns, uma doença 'atinge' ou 'pega' a pessoa; em outros, o sofredor 'pega' uma doença, passa a ser um 'recipiente' para ela ou é apresentado como um 'lutador' ou um 'campo de batalha'. Em linguagens com expressão obrigatória de fonte de informação, o ataque de doenças é tratado como 'invisível', assim como qualquer tipo de sentimento interno ou atividade xamânica. Diferentes estágios da doença - cobrindo seu início, progressão, desgaste, recuperação e cura - formam "a trajetória do bem-estar". Nosso foco principal está nos meios gramaticais empregados para falar sobre as várias fases da doença e bem-estar, e como eles se correlacionam com a percepção e conceituação da doença e sua progressão e morte. Eu ofereço uma breve taxonomia de esquemas gramaticais e meios empregados em todas as línguas do mundo e, em seguida, ofereço um estudo de terminologias e esquemas gramaticais empregados na trajetória de bem-estar em Tariana, uma língua aruák do noroeste da Amazônia (Brasil), com especial enfoque nas motivações culturais e cognitivas. O surgimento e a propagação da pandemia COVID-19 tem afetado as formas de falar desta doença entre os Tariana, especialmente no que diz respeito às origens e ao início desta aflição.
Ways of talking about diseases, ailments, convalescence, and well-being vary from language to language. In some, an ailment 'hits' or 'gets' the person. In others, the sufferer 'catches' an ailment, comes to be a 'container' for it, or is presented as a 'battleground' or as a 'fighter'. In languages with obligatory expression of information source, the onslaught of disease may be referred to as 'unseen', just like any kind of internal feeling or shamanic activity. How can we capture the nature of traditional attitudes and thoughts about the origins of adverse conditions through language? How are diseases understood to be inflicted and spread? What are the patterns involved in describing traditional healing practices and 'getting better', as the patient recuperates? And can the emergence of new diseases — such as COVID-19 — affect the linguistic practices?
Aspects of vocabulary for various stages of disease and recovery reflect traditional knowledge and attitudes. So do the metaphors. The power of metaphorical imagery impacts on the perception of disease and the effects of its treatment. A growing body of literature points towards 'the trouble with medical metaphors' (see a summary in Khullar, 2014, and also Reisfield and Wilson, 2004). 'Military' metaphors in contemporary discourse in English and a few other European languages represent the human body as a battlefield, and a patient as a victorious winner or a helpless loser. The effect may well be empowering — or it may be devastating. Sonntag's timeless classics (1978, 1979) address the military metaphors a their potentially adverse impact, especially with regard to cancer and HIV/AIDS (see Montgomery, 1996, pp. 178-84 on a brief history of presenting a disease as a 'war zone' in English and in French, and its correlations with the military history of the societies involved).
Stigma associated with naming diseases and being precise about the nature of an affliction may impinge upon their labelling and classification. In Kwaio, an Oceanic language from the Solomon Islands, the terms
The absence of elaborate terminologies for diseases in some languages of the tropics, accompanied by a low frequency of use of the existing terms, is a corollary of the avoidance in mentioning a name of disease. In contrast, a wide range of terms will reflect symptoms and feelings (see examples for Gnau, a Papuan language, in Lewis, 1974, 1976, and further discussion in §2.2.1). The underspecification of disease may be connected to inhibitions and taboos on talking about adverse states (in the spirit of Benczes and Burridge, 2018).
In the grammatical structuring of meaning, we see the workings of cultural patterns at a more subtle level. As Enfield (2004, p. 3) put it, 'encoded in the semantics of grammar we find cultural values and ideas, we find clues about the social structures', and also about peoples' attitudes. We hypothesise that the ways in which disease, ailment, recovery, and well-being are conceptualised, across languages and cultures, correlate with traditional speech practices — that is, the grammatical structures used to talk about them.
Different stages of disease — covering its onset, progression, wearing off, recovery, and cure — form 'the trajectory of well-being'. Our main focus is on grammatical means employed in talking about various phases of disease and well-being, and how these correlate with perception and conceptualization of disease and its progression and demise. The ultimate aim is to contribute towards unveiling the cultural and conceptual underpinnings of the semantics of grammar.
In §2, I offer a brief taxonomy of grammatical schemas and means employed across the languages of the world, with the focus on languages in the tropical hot-spots of linguistic diversity and, as it happens, of infectious diseases (along the lines of Aikhenvald, 2019).
New health hazards bring about new ways of saying things. In the times of the COVID-19 pandemic, Australian English has seen the emergence of new words —
Ways of talking about the basic experiences of ailments and disease, and various stages of well-being, involve a number of conventionalised syntactic patterns. These patterns are captured by the notion of a grammatical schema (see Heine, 1993, pp. 27-8, 1997, pp. 45-6). The recurrent structures of predicative possessive expressions can be accounted for by a number of event schemas including action, location, companion, and source (Heine, 1993, p. 47). A schema will reflect significant attributes abstracted from a number of conceptually related events. Schemas can be seen to function as generalized construals of recurrent events, scenes, or situations. Grammatical schemas serve as representations of recurrent 'conceptual archetypes grounded in the experiential domain' (Shibatani, 1996, p. 192).
The linguistic expressions to do with ailments and diseases may belong to a variety of word classes. They can be adjectives, e.g. English
In §2.1, we start with a taxonomy of grammatical schemas which account for recurrent expressions of disease, ailments and well-being. We concentrate on physical well-being of humans (leaving the complex issue of mental affliction and approaches to mental health for future studies). In §2.2, we outline some special features of the grammatical schemas which set them apart from similar structures. Potential correlations between the choice of a schema and stages of well-being are the topic of §2.3.
We have identified the following eight recurrent grammatical schemas which capture different stages of well-being, encompassing the onset of disease, its progression, and recovery. The schemas are briefly discussed one by one (see also Aikhenvald, 2019).
Within this schema, the term for the disease appears in the predicate slot of an intransitive clause. Two subtypes cover the state of having a disease (
Examples of schema
Examples of schema
In languages which make a grammatical distinction between active (Sa) verbs and stative (So) verbs, expressions of disease may belong to either class. In Warekena of Xié, an Arawak language from north-west Amazonia, only stative verbs express disease, e.g.
According to this schema, the disease
The motion schema presupposes movement of a disease towards or onto the sufferer. The movement of disease may be framed differently from motion events which imply physical movement of objects or persons. Events involving physical motion in Tariana are expressed with serial verb constructions — a sequence of independent verbs marked for the same subject, with a single value of tense, evidentiality, aspect, and illocutionary force (see Aikhenvald, 2018a, and references there, on cross-linguistic properties of serial verbs). An event involving physical motion will be presented as a set of subcomponents, specifying direction, manner, and result of the event, within one serial verb construction. A typical serial verb construction consisting of two components — go down and come — is shown in (5). The serial verb construction is in square brackets.
The verbs of motion employed in the expressions of disease cannot occur within serial verb constructions: the verb
Within this schema, a predicative possessive construction is deployed to express the affliction. Of eight schemas employed in the expression of predicative possession (see Heine, 1997, pp. 47-67; Aikhenvald, 2013, pp. 27-30),
The action schema involves a possessive verb, such as 'have' or 'hold'. The 'sufferer' has the function of the subject of the possessive verb 'have'. The disease is the possessee. Prime examples are English
Within this schema, the 'sufferer' is marked as a destination or a location of the disease, e.g. 'cancer is to him', as in Estonian, or 'fever is to me', in Tariana.
Superficially similar possessive construction are used to express actual ownership of an object, or a kin relationship. That is, if one wishes to say 'I have a house', or 'I have two older sisters', this will be done using the same grammatical means.
There are, however, notable differences in the syntactic possibilities of the possessive verb
The option of phrasing a possessor-oriented content question is another criterion which serves to differentiate expressions of possession and ownership and the possession schemas in the expressions of disease. In English, Estonian, and Tariana, a possessor-oriented content question ('whose') with regard to an expression of disease would sound weird ('I have a cold' versus *whose cold is this?).
The full extent of such differences between 'true' possession and the possessive schemas in the expression of disease and affliction requires in-depth individual studies for each language. Their existence points toward a distinct nature of possessive-like schemas in the expression of disease.
Within this schema, the 'sufferer' is the subject of a copula or verbless clause, and 'disease' is marked as a companion to the subject. In (8), from Trio, a Carib language from Suriname, 'fever' takes the comitative case.
In Murui, a Witotoan language from Colombia, the sickness is the subject, and the sufferer is marked as its 'companion' (using the postposition 'with').
This schema is represented by a transitive clause where the 'sufferer' is the transitive subject and the disease is the object. Typical examples are English
The name for 'disease' does not have all the properties of an object. For instance, in English
Similar to what we saw with regard to the Possession schema C, the full extent of differences between prototypical transitive clauses and clauses involving the acquisition schema with agentive sufferer would require an in-depth individual study for each language. At present, indications are that clauses involving 'disease' stand apart from other transitive clauses.
This schema is the opposite of E. This schema is represented by a transitive clause where the 'disease' is the transitive subject and the 'sufferer' is the object. The transitive verb 'grab, take with a sudden movement' is shown in (11), from Alto Perené, a Campa (Arawak) language from Peru, and in (12), from Tariana.
Example (13), from Trio, involves a general verb 'take'.
In each of these instances, the 'disease' does not have a full set of subject properties. In none of these languages can it be questioned: so, 'who or what caught him?' cannot be asked about a disease. In Tariana, the 'sufferer' does not have all object properties. It cannot be the target of a passive, in contrast to other, more prototypical objects (Aikhenvald, 2003, pp. 258-62). Similar to schema E, we are dealing with a special subtype of a transitive clause used for the expression of disease. In §2.3.2 we turn to some cognitive and cultural underpinnings of grammatical representation of disease as an agentive force in Tariana.
This schema involves a copula or a verbless clause with the 'sufferer' in subject function and the disease marked as a container, or an encompassing location engulfing the patient. This is what we see in (14), from Trio.
In Murui, sickness 'grows inside' the person, as shown in (15).
Within this schema, the 'sufferer' is presented as a clausal topic in the clause initial position with the disease being the subject of the subsequent clause. This schema is a wide-spread feature of many languages of the Mainland Southeast Asia and the Pacific (see also Clark, 1996). An example from Mandarin Chinese is in (16).
A similar example from Manambu, a Ndu language from Papua New Guinea, is shown in (17a) (author's own fieldwork).
A notable feature of this schema is an inalienable part-whole relationship between the 'sufferer' and the affected part, reminiscent of the Topic-schema in predicative possessive constructions.
Both the topicalised constituent ('the sufferer') and the part have a full set of subject properties (see Luo, 2013, pp. 196-7, and also Heine, 1997, p. 62, on the applicability of the notion of 'double subject' within clauses involving an extraposed topic). In Manambu, the affected body part triggers feminine agreement on the predicate: this is what we see in (17a). But it is the sufferer that will trigger the same-subject switch-reference marking within a clause chain, as shown in (17b) (see Aikhenvald, 2008, pp. 531-5, on the subjecthood in expressions involving bodily states and diseases in Manambu).
A further feature which sets the expressions involving a Topic schema apart is the application of content questions. The body part in (17a) cannot be questioned: *He, what went up?' will sound nonsensical. The only way of asking about the affliction is via a general question,
Our brief survey of the eight recurrent grammatical schemas employed in the expression of well-being has revealed a few features which set them apart from superficially similar syntactic patterns outside the realm of health and affliction. The properties identified so far are summarised in Table 1.
SCHEMA | SPECIAL FEATURE |
---|---|
B. The Motion schema | Lack of use of serial verb constructions, typical for events involving physical motion |
C. The Possession schema | Different syntactic possibilities of the possessive verb and restrictions on possessive content questions |
E. The Acquisition schema with 'agentive' sufferer | Disease as 'object' does not have all object properties |
F. The Acquisition schema with 'agentive' disease | Disease as 'subject' does not have all subject properties |
H. The Topic schema | Restrictions on content questions |
In a nut-shell, this selection of distinctive grammatical features of each schema used for describing disease and well-being point towards the reality of the special 'grammar of well-being'. Its recurrent and language-specific features are a fruitful avenue for further research.
The choice of a grammatical schemas may correlate with different stages of well-being, including the onset of disease and the ensuing state of illness. For instance, the Motion schema (B) may be used for acquisition of disease, and the Predication schema (A) for a statement on existing disease: this is what we saw for Tariana in (4a) and (2).
In Trio, the acquisition schema F with agentive disease expresses onset of disease, as shown in (13). Once the disease has taken hold, the Comitative schema D expresses a symptom ('fever' in (8)). Specific illnesses, such as malaria or a cold, are 'seen as an all-encompassing phenomenon', that is, an illness 'takes/grabs someone' (Carlin, 2004, p. 476), the Container schema (G) is employed — the person is conceptualised as being subsumed 'inside' the illness (14). Figure 1 offers an outline of recurrent patterns identified so far.
A full trajectory of well-being will include:
• the onset of disease
• the disease setting in
• the disease on the wane
• the patient recuperating.
Three schemas have been identified so far for the expression of patient recuperating and getting better. Schema I, Change of state-cum-motion, is illustrated with (18), from Tariana.
Similarly to the Motion schema (B) in (4a), the verb
The cognitive patterns underlying each schema at every stage of well-being are embedded in the culture-specific stereotypes and attitudes to various stages of well-being and their motivations. What are the cognitive and attitudinal underpinnings for each particular schema? Can we provide an explanation for their choice in a given linguistic and cultural context? And how do the ways of phrasing the processes of inflicting and spreading disease, and orchestrating recovery, correlate with cultural practices and conceptions specific for each language and the society of its speakers?
Plotting a trajectory of well-being for each individual language and society is a means to this end. A trajectory of well-being involves outlining a combination of verbal description for various stages of well-being, focusing on grammatical schemas established this far. A trajectory of well-being in Tariana, a North Arawak language from Brazilian Amazonia, is the topic of our next section.
We start with a few general facts about the Tariana language and those who speak it (§2.1). We then turn to lexical terminologies and grammatical means in the expressions of well-being, especially evidentials (§2.2). The trajectory of well-being and the grammatical schemas reflecting its various stages are addressed in §2.3, with a focus on cultural underpinnings of the driving forces behind disease and recovery.
Tariana is spoken by no more than 100 people in two villages in the remote areas of north-west Amazonia, Brazil (on the border with Colombia), the basin of the Vaupés River, and now also in São Gabriel da Cachoeira, the capital of the municipality with the same name and an urban centre. The language is endangered. The linguistic area of the Vaupés River Basin in Brazil is known for its institutionalised multilingualism based on the language group exogamy operating between speakers of Tariana and of languages belonging to the East Tucanoan subgroup (including Tucano, Piratapuya, Wanano and Desano), and multilateral diffusion.
Traditionally, there is a cultural inhibition against 'language mixing', that is, against any loan forms, especially from Tucano or any Tucanoan languages; many patterns, including sounds, intonation etc., are shared with Tucanoan languages. These inhibitions are currently becoming relaxed, as more and more loan forms from Tucano and from Portuguese make their way into the language. There is a marked difference between the 'Traditional Tariana' (now almost gone; documented by the author in the 1990s — early 2000s) and the
In its typological make-up, Tariana is agglutinating with some fusion, and highly synthetic. Similarly to other Arawak languages, the only prefixes are cross-referencing markers, relative prefix
A large set of classifiers occur in multiple environments (including number words, demonstratives, interrogatives, adjectives, and possessive constructions, and nouns). Classifiers also serve to derive adjectives from verbs, thus making the class of adjectives open by derivation. Underived adjectives form a small closed class of about 29 members (spanning the semantic types of dimension, age, value, colour, and physical properties; further information in Aikhenvald, 2003, 72-4). Obligatory marking of information source (known as evidentiality) fused with tense is a salient feature of Tariana verbal morphology (see Aikhenvald, 2018b, for a typological outline and references on the phenomenon).
We start with lexical terms in talking about disease and well-being (§2.2.1), and then turn to the specific uses of evidentials in these contexts (§2.2.2).
Lexical forms used in the expressions of well-being in Tariana are nouns, verbs and underived value adjectives. None of the other members of the closed class of underived adjectives are used in the expressions of well-being.
The verbs used in the descriptions of disease are active intransitive (as mentioned in §2.1). These verbs include two verbs with general meanings, -kamia 'fall/be ill' and herena 'be seriously ill'. Verbs referring to bodily actions — which may or may not be associated with an illness — include -khetya 'cough, make a coughing sound', sikena, -siketa 'breathe heavily, sneeze', -kayana 'be burning, stinging (e.g. after eating hot pepper, or when speaking of severe pain)', and -khata 'vomit (including ritual vomiting)'. Each of these can be turned into nouns with general nominalizing suffixes -nipe 'state or result nominalization' and -li 'process nominalization', e.g. pa-kamia-nipe (IMPERS-be.ill-NOM.RES) 'illness, state of being ill', di-kamia-li (3sgnf-be.ill-NOM.PROCESS) 'his falling ill'.
The verb -herena 'fall/be seriously ill' stands apart from the rest. This verb can only be nominalised with a non-productive suffix -si. The suffix is attested in a handful of nouns mostly referring to ritual practices, e.g. hiwya-si (INDEF+breath-NOM) 'magic breath' and i-aku-si (INDEF-speak-NOM) 'speech, especially shamanic speech' (see AIKHENVALD, 2003, p. 129). The resulting form i-rena-ka-si (INDEF-be.seriously.ill-THEM-NOM), or herenasi (be.seriously.ill-NOM) (for innovative speakers), is used to refer to a serious disease. In traditional times, diseases referred to in this manner would be inflicted by shamanic activities and only treated by shamans (some examples are in AIKHENVALD and BRITO, 2002, 161, 260, 269, 338).
Verbs referring to symptoms of adverse bodily states do not take prefixes and belong to the category of stative verbs. These include kai 'have pain, be painful', dupai 'be sick', we 'be itchy', wepa 'be numb, be paralysed', kapua 'have headache, be (of headache), be vertiginous and giddy', keru 'be angry, be acutely painful'. They can take classifiers and can then be used as modifiers, as we saw in (12) where adaki 'fever' is modified with the form kai-peri (be.painful-CL.COLL).Forms referring to specific bodily states and symptoms of ailment can be used as stative verbs and as nouns without having to be nominalized (akin to 'double-duty' forms in English; see Dixon, 2014, pp. 35-43). These include a number of monomorphemic forms, such as adaki 'be feverish; fever', yari 'be dizzy, tipsy; dizziness', tsuli 'have diarrhoea; diarrhoea', wesi 'have a running nose or a flu; running nose, mucus', dai 'be sleepy; sleepiness', and khẽnolena 'be nauseous'. Visible states of illness can be described by noun phrases, e.g. pa-thi iri-peri (IMPERS-eye red-CL.COLL) 'eye sickness' (lit. red eyes), iri sede-peri (blood NEG.EXIST-CL.COLL) 'anaemia' (lit. lack of blood). A sick, weak, or anaemic person is typically referred to as di-daki sedite (3sgnf-body NEG.EXIST+CL.ANIM) literally, 'the one who has no body'.
The two value adjectives, matsa 'good, healthy, proper, beautiful' and ma:tsi 'bad', evil, naughty', describe general evaluation of the person's state of well-being. A recovering sufferer becomes 'well' (as in (18)). A dangerous disease with painful symptoms is referred to as 'bad' (as in (39)) or as 'dangerous' (as in (35b)).
A number of nouns refer to visible evidence of affliction or a wound, e.g. i:sa 'wound', haira 'large, serious wound', hi:mi 'cramp, twitch', siña 'ulcer; fungal disease'. The terms for powerful evil spirits of the jungle occur in the descriptions of two diseases — waki, 'coughing fit; also used for whooping cough' (literally, evil spirit) and iñe itsale (powerful.spirit hair-POSS) 'evil spirit's hair' (a loan translation from Tucano wãtî-poari (evil.spirit-hair) 'tuberculosis' (RAMIREZ, 1997, pp. 299). The terms themselves were provided by one of the main collaborators for the work on the dictionary of Tariana, the late Graciliano Brito, a trained nurse, who insisted on including equivalents to Portuguese terms in the dictionary. Both are rarely used in day-to-day communication, and are not familiar to many speakers.
Table 2 summarises the terms for diseases and ailments and their distribution across word classes in Tariana.
WORD CLASS | ACTIVE INTRANSITIVE VERBS | STATIVE VERBS | DOUBLE-DUTY: STATIVE VERBS AND NOUNS | UNDERIVED ADJECTIVES OF VALUE | NOUNS |
MEANINGS | general state: be/fall ill be/fall seriously ill | general symptoms of adverse states | specific symptoms of adverse states | state of health and well-being (good or bad) | visible evidence of affliction, such as a wound; two terms for specific illnesses rarely used |
In summary: the terms for various symptoms of disease and adverse states appear to be neatly distributed across word classes. Notably, Tariana has numerous terms for symptoms of disease, and just a few for specific illnesses. This is not unlike other languages of the tropics (e.g. Gnau, a Torricelli language from Papua New Guinea, in Lewis, 1974, 1976). The lack of specification of the actual ill is akin to name avoidance and taboo. In §3, we turn to an emergent exception to this principle within the discourse of COVID-19.
Tariana (similar to the neighbouring Tucanoan languages) has an obligatory grammatical marking of information source, or evidentiality, fused with tense and clause type. In every sentence, speakers have to specify how they obtained the information. Evidentials as exponents of information source have the following meanings.
• VISUAL EVIDENTIALS are used if the speaker has seen the event or the state, or the event can be easily observed.
• NONVISUAL EVIDENTIALS refer to something heard, or smelt, or felt by touch (or something one cannot quite discern).
• INFERRED EVIDENTIALS refer to something inferred based on visible results: for instance, that it has rained because one can see the puddles, or that someone has eaten chicken because their hands are greasy.
• ASSUMED EVIDENTIALS are used if a statement is based on reasonable assumption and general knowledge.
• REPORTED EVIDENTIALS are employed if the information comes from a speech report by someone else.
The nonvisual evidential in Tariana is employed in the descriptions of what cannot be seen — one's own physical and mental states, including illness, suffering, fever, and also thought, sadness, happiness (described as 'first person effect' in Aikhenvald, 2004, pp. 224-5, or as 'endophoric' meaning in Aikhenvald, 2018b, p. 26; Sun, 2018). In (4), (7), and (12), the descriptions of fever and sickness which have affected the speaker contain the non-visual evidential. Similarly, in (20), Olívia Brito talks about her own sickness using a non-visual evidential. The same evidential is used with the stative verb
When talking about someone else's physical and mental state, a different evidential will be chosen. A visual evidential is employed if the speaker can see that another is sick. In (21), Olívia reports the fact that our younger brother Jovino is sick: she had seen him herself (similar examples are in (2) and (23)).
The non-visual evidential is used to describe events which are conceived as not available to the human eye. Dreams by normal mortals are not seen, and are cast in non-visual evidentials; only shamans can talk about their prophetic dreams using visual evidentials. Shamanic actions cannot be talked about using visual evidentials by those who are not shamans themselves. Talking about a shaman inflicting and curing a disease involves a non-visual evidential (see examples (26a-c)-(28) and (30)-(33) in §2.3.2).
A major token of a proficient speaker and of a reliable person is their ability to use evidentials in the appropriate way. Those who deviate from the norm in their use of evidentials are looked upon with suspicion: they are considered either incompetent or as exposing potentially dangerous powers (if they overuse the visual evidential, as if they were shamans or sorcerers). White people are said to 'always lie' because they never tell you how they know things. This is the reflection of the fact that Portuguese and Spanish, referred to as the languages of 'White people' (
We start with the main notions and terms involved in describing a person's well-being and disease at its various stages in §2.3.1. The focal points of the trajectory of well-being are the topic of §2.3.2.
Any disease can be referred to as pa-kamia-nipe (IMPERS-be.sick-NOM.ACTION) 'disease in general'. The term i-rena-ka-si (INDEF-feel-DECL-NOM) means 'serious disease'. Another way of referring to a serious affliction is adaki. This term also means 'fever' (as a major symptom of being unwell). The main reason for the onset of adaki is believed to be shamanic intervention, often overtly realised as anger and aggressive behaviour by someone who has special powers. This is why scolding and aggressive verbal attacks are considered dangerous. By scolding, the person can inflict serious damage to the addressee, as a display of special power to unleash negative events. In numerous stories, 'scolding' by a shaman (di-kwisa-nipe (3sgnf-scold-NOM.ACTION) results in a serious accident or an incurable disease befalling the one being scolded.
In terms of its grammatical properties, adaki belongs to a subclass of stative verbs which do not have to be nominalized to be used as arguments. It can be considered 'double duty', used as a verb and as a noun without changing its form. In this respect, this noun is similar to other denominations of symptoms of disease (see §2.2.1). Similar to other members of the same class, the noun adaki triggers agreement in classifier -peri used for collective and mass nouns (including uni 'water (as substance)' or surupe 'clay'). It can be modified with the adjective ma:tsi-peri (bad-CL.COLL) 'bad, strong fever' and the stative verb kai 'be painful' which then takes the collective classifier -peri. An example is in (12): here adaki kai-peri (fever be.painful-CL.COLL) refers to a strong and painful disease (which may be realised as fever).
The term adaki has two meanings — (a) disease in general and (b) fever as its overt symptom. A disease in its meaning (a), adaki can be replaced with irenakasi 'serious illness'. It stands apart from other terms referring to overt symptoms of disease in several ways.
FIRSTLY, the term adaki 'disease' can be used in three schemas:
(i) the Motion schema (B, as in (4a), referring to the onset of a disease;
(ii) the Possession Location schema (C-ii), as in (7), to describe the disease which has already set in, and
(iii) the Agentive Schema F, as in (12), to describe both the onset of disease and the patient in its grips.
In contrast, adaki 'fever' and other terms from the same syntactic class can only occur in the Possession Location schema (C-ii), but not in any of the others. Saying *wesi dhipa-mha nu-na '?catarrh grabs me' or *wesi di-nu-mha nu-na '?catarrh came onto me' would be ungrammatical.
SECONDLY, adaki in its both senses can be used as the subject of a transitive verb, in infrequent descriptions of how people feel when they are feverish. An example is in (22).
No such examples have been attested with terms for symptoms of disease other than
THIRDLY,
Adverse states — including diseases — are generally described as
THIRDLY,
Adverse states — including diseases — are generally described as
Other major causes of dangerous diseases are shamanic activities referred to as
A further feature of Tariana discourse relevant to describing well-being is protective speech and attenuative register. A hidden shaman or an evil spirit may attack a person at any time. Hence the reluctance to overtly talk about one's being physically well, for fear that evil spirits or malevolent shamans might overhear a person boasting of their well-being. One hardly ever says 'I am fine' in Tariana: if one is to speak 'properly', one needs to say 'I am fine, more or less/almost'. This is comparable to a protective register in switching genders with reference to vulnerable small children in Amharic: as Pankhurst (1992, p. 160) puts it, 'By referring to the boy as “she” or the girl as “he”, people believe they can trick the 'death-wishers' and increase the likelihood of survival'.
In (23), from a conversation, the speaker qualified his statement about his grandchildren being well with
An alternative is the suffix
An older speaker in (25) described her recovery from COVID-19 (see §3), using the approximative suffix
The use of the modal marker
The focal stages on a trajectory of well-being are: the onset of disease, the disease setting in, the disease on the wane, patient recuperating. Table 3 features the descriptions of these focal points in Tariana.
Inflicting disease is associated with the involvement and the agency of a shaman,
Fever is located in the Fever pot (a hidden location known only to powerful shamans, associated with old abandoned settlements where people had been buried inside the houses for a few generations). This is described as (27). The reported evidential is used here, since speakers who do not have shamanic powers themselves cannot have supernatural non-visual experience of the phenomenon, and are supposed to know about it only by hear-say.
Shamanic actions in inflicting disease involve opening the pot of fever:
As a result of (28), the disease
Alternatively, a shaman can put
Cure can be achieved by actions of another shaman, described as 'blessing' the sufferer (using traditional herbal remedies) (31), sucking (the illness) (32), and ostensibly closing up the pot of fever (33).
As a consequence of shamanic actions,
The schemas used in talking about the four stages of well-being reflect the inherent agentivity behind a disease (
This is consistent with a pan-Amerindian conceptualization of the world, based on an ontological principle of a spiritual unity and a corporeal diversity. What one sees or perceives in physical terms, and the cause-effect relations one might establish based on one's experience, 'is not necessarily that which it is in essence' (as Carlin, 2018, p. 315 puts it). Following the same principle, a shaman may appear in various guises — a jaguar, or a deer. The appearances, and the outer form (or 'clothing'), may be deceptive. Similarly, a hidden agency behind a physical realization is elusive and dangerous. This principle is succinctly phrased in the title of Peter Rivière's classic paper 'WYSINWYG (What you see is not what you get) in Amazonia' (1994), captured within the concept of Amazonian perspectivism by Viveiros de Castro (2004).
The agency of
What happens when a new calamity — the COVID-19 pandemic — comes on the scene? This is what we turn to now.
Times of social upheaval engender language change — new forms and patterns emerge in discussing new and hitherto unfamiliar happenings. The COVID-19 pandemic has seriously affected all generations of the Tariana, and nearly each of the remaining speakers: all of them, young and old, have been through COVID-19. The ways of talking about COVID-19 as a new phenomenon stand apart from talking about other afflictions in four ways: the emergence of disease (§3.1), the onset of disease (§3.2), specification of the disease (§3.3), emergent name avoidance (§3.4), and the increasing influence of Portuguese onto the discourse of disease (§3.5).
We saw in Table 3 that a disease — inflicted by a powerful shaman — 'grabs' a person and may spread — unless another powerful sorcerer makes it diminish and finally disperse. COVID-19 has descended upon Amazonia as an extraneous force, ostensibly spread by outsiders. COVID-19 is described with the stative verb
The speaker uses the visual evidential, because the statement is based on what he can see.
The onset of COVID-19 has been described in two ways. Similar to
The name of COVID is specified, with a borrowing from Portuguese. The form contains a loan phoneme, a palatalized affricate
An alternative to this is a schema not attested before. Speakers use the verb
The speaker does not specify the exact name of the disease, referring to it as a 'bad serious illness' — we turn to this in §3.4.
In traditional discourse on disease, the name of the affliction is left unspecified. As shown in §2.2.1, the few existing terms for specific diseases (such as tuberculosis) are not used in day-to-day interaction. The ways of talking about COVID-19 are markedly different. When talking about being sick with the virus, its name can be stated (as we saw in (35a). The name of the disease can accompany the verb
The syntactic functions of the noun
Name avoidance is not a prominent feature of the Tariana (with the exception of a special taboo register, now all but forgotten: Aikhenvald, 2003, p. 619). Speakers, especially younger ones, refer to COVID-19 with the Portuguese loan (as shown in (35a) and (37)). Older speakers (in their late sixties and seventies) use circumlocutions. In (38), Olívia calls COVID-19 'a bad dangerous illness'. In (38), she calls it 'what many people die of' rather than its name.
A traditional way of referring to a start of disease used to be (4b), with the disease left unspecified.
In another stretch of conversation, a speaker refers to COVID-19 as 'a bad dangerous illness', again, without calling it by its name. She is using the reported evidential because she had received the information from someone else a few days prior.
The same strategy of name avoidance was used to tell me about her recovery. In (40), the speaker uses the protective attenuative way of saying that she and her siblings have 'almost' overcome the disease. The 'serious disease' is marked with the topical non-subject case, since this has been the topic of our interaction for some time.
The use of the diminutive marker appears to be part of the attentuative register: the importance of the dangerous disease and our 'surpassing' it is downplayed, so as not to brag about one's well-being attracting further potential dangers.
The emergent name avoidance with respect to COVID-19 is a corollary of what we saw in §3.3: a tendency to specify the fact that one is afflicted with this disease, and no other. Name avoidance allows the speaker to emphasize how bad the disease is, without being too specific, in accordance with their general reluctance to dwell on unpleasant events. Another reason could be traditional avoidance of obvious loan forms — a tendency still followed by most traditional speakers.
The ways of speaking change as languages come in contact with each other. Speakers of Tariana are getting more and more exposure to Portuguese, especially through information brochures dealing with COVID-19 and the interaction with Brazilian medical personnel (it is not known whether any vaccination testing has been applied to anyone). As a consequence, Portuguese ways of talking about disease make their way into Tariana. In (41), a younger speaker of the language produced parallel sentences, in Portuguese (41a) and in Tariana (41b). The grammatical schema Acquisition with Agentive sufferer (E) is replicated in both languages.
The use of the Acquisition schema with an agentive sufferer (E) is reminiscent of (10), from Baniwa of Içana (a closely related language, not mutually intelligible with Tariana). In all likelihood, both Tariana in (41b) and Baniwa of Içana in (10) contain calques from Portuguese expression similar to English 'I caught fever'. The new speech practice of specifying the disease (discussed in §3.3) could also stem from influence of Brazilian discourse whereby a disease has to be stated, to which the speakers get more and more exposure in the times of a pandemic. In each of these instances, we are faced with emergent grammatical patterns (along the lines of Hopper 1987) — the seeds of new ways of saying things and new grammatical schemas accompanying the appearance of COVID-19.
The newly emergent COVID-19 has sparked new ways of talking about it, not attested in prior ways of speaking about diseases and afflictions. Unlike any other disease, COVID-19 'appears' (rather than being spread or inflicted). In the descriptions of those who get sick with COVID-19, it name is specified, in the function of an aditional non-subject argument with the intransitive verb 'be sick'. At the same time, some speakers avoid mentioning COVID-19 by name, referring to it as a serious illness, or something people die of, as an instance of emergent name avoidance. In talking about the onset of COVID-19, a new grammatical schema is emerging: one 'runs across' COVID-19 as one would accidentally encounter a snake in the jungle or an obstacle of any sort. Finally, the spread of COVID-19 coincides with the spread of calques from Portuguese, the main language of medical communication in an attempt to get a cure.
How stable are these innovations, and will they last? We can recall that Tariana is an endangered language. The extant speakers are fully fluent in the language; however, its transmission to the younger generation is problematic. At this point in time, it is hard to predict whether the new ways of talking about COVID-19 and the new emergent grammatical structures are there to stay.
We have identified eight grammatical schemas in talking about well-being, from the onset of disease to the disease setting in. Most of them have specific properties — setting them apart from superficially similar structures, as if shaping up a special 'grammar of well-being'. The grammatical schemas appear to be distributed along the trajectories of well-being in its various stages. The semantics of grammatical structures correlates with attitudes and ways of thinking about things. As Enfield (2004, p. 3) put it, 'we find grammatical constructions directly encoding cultural values of a given group of speakers'.
This is illustrated for Tariana, an Arawak language from north-west Amazonia. The ways in which the onset and the progress of disease is described correlates with the conceptualization of its reasons and underpinnings. The underlying agency of a powerful shaman behind the spread of an affliction correlates with the grammatical schema used. The disease and shamanic activities are 'unseen' (as reflected in the use of evidentials in the language). In Traditional Tariana, vagueness in disease terminologies may be associated with a reluctance to identify the exact ailment — an avoidance technique aimed at not invoking the unwanted evil by assigning it an unequivocal name, akin to name-taboo for diseases, described by Keesing and Fifi'i (1969).
New events and new situations require new ways of talking about new phenomena. The emergence of COVID-19 has triggered hitherto unseen patterns of talking about this sickness. The Tariana is undergoing rapid change in introducing new schemas and new ways of talking about this disease, along the lines of emergent grammar. In Tariana (and elsewhere), ways of speaking about diseases may change because of contact between languages and people under the influence of mainstream cultures and national languages. But do the underlying concepts change at the same time?
Answering this, and many other questions, relevant to the grammar of the expressions of well-being is a way towards understanding what Ameka (2013, p. 225) referred to as 'the reflexive relation between language, culture, and modes of thinking, and in particular the ways in which culture and cognition are encoded in grammar'.
I am grateful to my Tariana family, especially Jovino, Olívia, Leo, and Rafael Brito for sharing their remarkable language with me. Special thanks go to R. M. W. Dixon for his incisive comments, to the anonymous referees, and to Brigitta Flick for careful proof-reading.
1, 2, 3 first, second, third person; ANIM animate; APPROX approximative; AUG augmentative; CAUS causative; CL:COLL classifier for collective referents; CL:POT classifier for pots; COMIT comitative; COMPL completive; COMPL.SAME.SUBJECT completive same subject suffix; COUNTEREXP counterexpectation marker; DECL declarative; DIM diminutive; DIM.PL diminutive plural; fem feminine; FOC.A/S focused subject; FRUST frustrative; IMPERS impersonal; INDEF indefinite; LOC locative; masc masculine; NEG.EXIST negative existential; NOM nominalization; NOM.PROCESS process nominalization; NOM.RES result nominalization; OBJ object; ONLY suffix meaning 'only'; PART.PAST past participle; PAUS pausal form; pl plural; POSS possessive; PRES.NONVIS present non-visual; PRES.REP present reported; PRES.VIS present visual; REC.P.NONVIS recent past nonvisual; REC.P.REP recent past reported; REC.P.VIS recent past visual; REL relativizer; REM.P.NONVIS remote past nonvisual; REM.P.REP remote past reported; REM.P.VIS remote past visual; RESULT resultative; sg singular; sgnf singular nonfeminine; SS same subject; THEM thematic; TOP topic; TOP.NON.A/S topical non-subject.
This is based on the information from c. 500 grammars and descriptions of languages from various parts of the world, and the results of my own fieldwork on several languages in Amazonia and New Guinea (following the methodological principles of linguistic typology in Aikhenvald and Dixon, 2020). All Tariana examples come from my own work (starting from 1991).
Further discussion of the Brazilian Vaupés is in Aikhenvald (2002, 2015: 75-82), and references there. For Tariana, there is a dictionary, a large collection of stories, a comprehensive grammar (Aikhenvald, 2002, 2003, Aikhenvald and Brito, 2002), and a school program operating in the mission centre of Iauaretê.).
Cognates include Baniwa of Içana inalienably possessed noun
Based on my interactions with the speakers, via voice messages on WhatsApp and Facebook (started in early June 2020). The current corpus contains dozens of short recordings, adding up to two hours, and is growing. We are aware of the limitations of the data obtained via these means, as they do not allow us to register the patterns of interaction between speakers themselves.